Intellectuals and Politics in Post-War France (French by D. Drake

By D. Drake

What did French intellectuals need to say approximately Gaullism, the chilly warfare, the women's move, colonialism, and the occasions of could 1968? David Drake examines the political dedication of intellectuals in France from Sartre and Camus to Bernard-Henri L?vy and Pierre Bourdieu. during this obtainable research, he explores why there has been a thorough reassessment of the intellectual's function within the mid-1970s to the Eighties and the way a brand new new release engaged with Islam, racism, the Balkans battle, and the moves of 1995.

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A further reason for its success was the standing of its co-founder and co-editor, Sartre. In 1945, Sartre, with an established reputation as a novelist, a philosopher, playwright, critic and journalist, enjoyed a unique position in French intellectual life. His closest rival in literature, Camus, was a philosophical pygmy compared to Sartre. Merleau-Ponty, although more politically educated than Sartre, was a philosopher with no pretensions to be a novelist or playwright. Aron, who had spent the war in London could not compete with Sartre’s resistance record (as it was perceived at the time)56 and his cautious sociological analyses were out of tune with the more radical general aspirations of the time.

André Malraux declined an invitation to join, as did Camus, who pleaded his commitment to Combat, the resistance paper which was now legally on sale. Against the backdrop of the war and the Occupation, the review’s mission was to view problems from a new perspective, and in the founding statement Sartre again addressed the question which had been raised in the context of the épuration, namely the responsibility of the writer. In the first sentence, Sartre acknowledged that ‘Any writer of bourgeois origin has faced the temptation of irresponsibility’ and it was against this temptation that Sartre was pitting himself and the review.

Even if an individual member of the Party hierarchy might appear mediocre or worse, he was nonetheless a member of the group that, thanks to a comprehensive grasp of ‘scientific’ Marxism, was ‘guiding the working class towards final victory’. The leaders were leaders because they ‘knew’, and it was because they ‘knew’ that they were leaders. ’9 This point is further illustrated by the reactions of Desanti to the criticisms levelled at his paper on ‘Marxism and Science’ and Prenant’s reaction to the Central Committee’s endorsement of Lysenko (see above).

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