By John Ryle, Justin Willis, Suliman Baldo, Jok Madut Jok
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Sample text
As this debate faded, rather abruptly after independence in the 1950s, the debate – and violent conflict – came instead to revolve around the shape and political nature of Sudan itself. Should Sudan incorporate all of the territory ruled by the Anglo-Egyptian state, or should this colonial creation dissolve with the departure of the foreign rulers who had brought it? If the state was to maintain the physical shape of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, how could it move beyond the stern, centralizing ethos which had maintained imperial rule?
If the state was to maintain the physical shape of the Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, how could it move beyond the stern, centralizing ethos which had maintained imperial rule? For more than fifty years these questions have persisted. The central state has been challenged from the South and the West and the East. And today the Sudan created through those acts of nineteenth-century imperial expansion, having failed to escape its authoritarian heritage, has ceased to exist. But that will not end the questions over where lines should be drawn on maps, or over what Sudan is, or was, or should be.
And development programmes that engage long term with local institutions are far harder to design and maintain. Sudan’s economic history in the modern era, by contrast, has been characterized by top-down state interventions. These have been ostensibly designed to improve, to make more productive. The extent of governmental ambitions has varied, but the servants of a succession of regimes have all have believed that they possess kinds of knowledge which are superior to local knowledge; it is those kinds of knowledge which have informed their policies and give them the right to instruct, cajole and sometimes coerce, and to reshape the land.