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First of all, Pentecostal discourse shifts responsibility for suffering and misfortune, as well as for its alleviation, from the individual to another agent, supernatural or otherwise, thereby offering a level of comfort in the face of suffering not provided by Catholicism. In addition, Pentecostalism appeals to those who are alienated by the heavy emphasis on literacy in the CEBs. For young people, Pentecostalism provides a distinct break from a competitive and consumerist youth culture that many find undesirable, whereas the social circles of the CEBs tend to overlap with these domains of mainstream 34 Chapter 2 culture.

During this time Candomblé began to take its modern form as the liturgy consolidated and terreiros multiplied. In the third phase, which began after abolition, the Afro-Brazilian religious community was forced to organize against persecution and assert its religious freedom. Finally, toward the end of the twentieth century, Candomblé became absorbed into Brazil’s popular culture (K. Butler 1998a). In the context of an emerging Afro-Brazilian identity after abolition, Candomblé formed “a vital cross-cutting institution bridging ethnic and color lines and setting the foundation for an integrated Afro-Bahian society” (K.

For young people, Pentecostalism provides a distinct break from a competitive and consumerist youth culture that many find undesirable, whereas the social circles of the CEBs tend to overlap with these domains of mainstream 34 Chapter 2 culture. In terms of race relations, the Catholic Church’s attempt to erode racism has been met by resistance from blacks who point out that the leadership of the church continues to be dominated by those with lighter skin; alternatively, some see in Pentecostalism the potential for a more powerful counterdiscourse to racism (Burdick 1993; cf.