Merging Features: Computation, Interpretation, and by José M. Brucart, Anna Gavarró, Jaume Solà

By José M. Brucart, Anna Gavarró, Jaume Solà

This booklet provides new paintings on how Merge and formal beneficial properties, uncomplicated components within the Minimalist application, may still make sure the syntactic computation of normal language. Merge combines easier gadgets into extra advanced ones. Formal gains identify dependencies inside gadgets. during this ebook prime students research the complex ways that those components have interaction to generate well-formed derivations in traditional language. it truly is divided into elements excited about formal beneficial properties and interpretable positive factors - a subset of formal positive factors. The authors mix grammatical thought with the research of knowledge drawn from a variety of languages, either within the grownup grammar and in first language acquisition. The mechanisms at paintings in linguistic computation are thought of with regards to various linguistic phenomena, together with A-binding, A'-dependencies and reconstruction, contract, be aware order, adjuncts, pronouns and complementizers.

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As is clear from (34a), the relation between little v and the object Mary leaves no unvalued features. The consequence is that there is no active goal available when the reflexive is merged in subject position. Since T doesn’t have any valued ê-features, the derivation will crash. Probing phrases, pronouns, and binding (34) ∗ 39 Herselfi likes Maryi . a. vP suuuu uuu sss s s uu sss v[T[1v], ê[2v]] probe b. VP suuuu uuu sss s s uu sss : DP [T[1v], ê[2v]] V vP suuuu uuu sss s s uu sss refl. vP [T[3u], ê[3u]] probe suuuu uuu sss s s uu sss v inactive VP suuuu s s uuu s s s uu sss V DP inactive The derivation of (32c) proceeds as in (35).

Body part names b. Sources denoting person, self, owner, etc. c. Emphatic pronouns d. e. Felipe looked at himself/∗ Mike) In (27) the name Mike functions as a bound variable and allows a reflexive interpretation. So instead of saying that in SLQZ names are anaphors sometimes and R-expressions sometimes, we can assume that in SLQZ a name root can be merged to either an N-head or a D-head as in (28). ) 36 Formal features (28) √ D [uT, uê] }eee } ee } ee }} }} name D [uT, uê] Before we move on to the technical details of feature valuation, let us just sum up the main points in this section.

The root lacks syntactic features—these are on the category-forming head. This means that inflectional morphemes are part of the category-forming head, not the root. Now let us look at compounds. Since we don’t find inflection inside compounds, as in (8) (see, for example, Williams, 1981), Josefsson (1998) claims that the first element in a compound is a bare root without a category-forming head. (8) a. b. c. cannonballs cannonsball ∗ cannonsballs ∗ Josefsson’s suggestion is that a compound, such as Swedish knäböja ‘kneebend’, ‘kneel’, is formed as in (9).

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