Britain and the International Committee of the Red Cross, by J. Crossland

By J. Crossland

James Crossland's paintings strains the background of the overseas Committee of the pink pass' fight to convey humanitarianism to the second one international struggle, via targeting its tumultuous dating with one of many conflict's key belligerents and masters of the blockade of the 3rd Reich, nice Britain.

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Extra info for Britain and the International Committee of the Red Cross, 1939–1945

Sample text

The results were predictable. With civilians practically unmentioned in extant IHL, POW regulations loose and barbarism an incremental norm of the conflict, adherence to IHL during the First World War was patchy at best. 49 To the British, the Committee’s value in the conflict lay broadly in two main areas. 50 The second valuable offering from Geneva did not manifest until 1915 when the British agreed to the suggestion made by the new ICRC president, Gustav Ador, that, in addition to delivering supplies to the camps, ICRC delegates should be permitted to report on conditions therein, including any breaches of the Convention.

The British delegates’ willingness to agree was no doubt encouraged by the fact that, like the representatives of several other states, neither Longmore nor Rutherford had been given authorization by their government to actually sign the Geneva Convention. As was the case with the initial talks the year before, the British wished to tread carefully. Their representatives were to take notes on who signed and what was agreed to, before reporting back. Therefore, when prompted to sign by Moynier, Longmore claimed he could do no such thing without a royal seal.

17 When hostilities broke out between France and Prussia in July 1870, this desire to do good for soldiers became manifest in Britain through the creation of the British National Society for Aid to the Sick and Wounded in War, the precursor to what would later become the British Red Cross Society (BRC). The British Society’s specific origins can be traced to a series of appeals to the British public in The Times during the summer of 1870. The most emphatic of these appeals came from a Crimean War veteran, Colonel Robert Llyod-Lindsay, who had been recruited to act as a British mouthpiece for Dunant’s vision by both Longmore and Sir John Furley, a man so inspired by the Red Cross ideal that he had translated into English Moynier and Appia’s La Guerre et la Charité in an effort to rouse support in Britain for a National Society.

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