By Chris Rojek, Mr Bryan S Turner, Bryan Turner
Jean-Francois Lyotard continues to be thought of to be the daddy of postmodernism. a global diversity of participants within the box of cultural and philosophical experiences, together with Barry clever, John O' Neill and Victor J. Seidler contemplate Lyotard's writings on justice and politics of distinction, feminism, adolescence and Judaism.
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Additional resources for The Politics of Jean-Francois Lyotard: Justice and Political Theory
Sample text
Rather than reiterating Smart’s commentary on Lyotard, I shall turn briefly to Lyotard’s Amnesty lecture within which he attempts to outline a linguistic approach to human rights discourse Lyotard begins his approach to the theory of human rights through the dialogic characteristics of speech (Lyotard 1993). As Lyotard notes in the pragmatic function of language, every sentence is addressed or destined to someone or something, namely linguistic interaction is made up of a series of questions and answers.
Lyotard 1990:94) Thus Lyotard’s reflection on Heidegger provides a context within which Lyotard develops his own view of otherness, politics and language. Lyotard and universal history Lyotard along with other French Marxist radicals associated with the journal Socialisme ou Barbarie became profoundly alienated from and disillusioned by Communism in the post-war period following a number of major political disasters in Hungary, Czechoslovakia and Poland. The events of May 1968 were therefore a turning point in the history of western Marxism whereby radical intellectuals became disassociated from organized politics.
Criticisms of Habermas’s rationalist account of communication have raised questions about the authoritarian implications of Habermas’s understanding of communicative consensus. Can minority opinion, especially of inarticulate groups, be incorporated in a general communicative consensus? What is the role of affect, symbolism, particularistic solidarities, fragmented opinion, irrational attachment or the subconscious in Habermas’s defence of the role of Enlightened reason in the formation of public opinion?