The Politics of Financing Education in China by Tingjin Lin (auth.)

By Tingjin Lin (auth.)

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However, in admitting this rationality, this study does not argue that it offers people the same preference or action even if they obtain the same information. For example, an individual may find it difficult to understand the actions of people in a culture different from his own. This is not because other peoples are irrational but, rather, because they aim at different objectives and they base their operations on a different understanding about the real world. 1 Rank-seekers and rent-seekers Since local officials prefer to spend much more money on their children’s schools rather than working to equalize education,88 it is reasonable to assume that the same logic will be found in the process of implementing policies beyond the education area.

33 Put simply, education equalization is seemingly not a policy priority of the center. 34 This implies that the different kinds of provincial performances are not evaluated equally. With more economic autonomy, the local elite make decisions more independently, and they could manipulate local revenue for career advance at the expense of local interests. 36 Hence, effective personnel control is not necessarily contradictory to the increasing economic autonomy of localities. In fact, this plausible phenomenon implies that the policy outcomes enforced by local governments are not given equal weight by the center.

As long as most members of the target group share similar expectations about the specific policy implementation, the heterogeneity of their career fate need not affect their belief structure. Rather than assuming that provincial leaders share common knowledge about personnel rules, this study assumes that their knowledge is accumulated variously according to their different political fates, while they have the same (bureaucratic) rationality. Furthermore, individuals constantly acquire, ignore or forget new information and update their beliefs.

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