By Peter Cole, Brian McQuinn
This ebook bargains a unique, incisive and wide-ranging account of Libya's '17 February Revolution' via tracing how serious cities, groups and political teams helped to form its direction. every one group, even if geographical (e.g. Misrata, Zintan), tribal/communal (e.g. Beni Walid) or political (e.g. the Muslim Brotherhood) took its personal course into the uprisings and next clash of 2011, in line with their very own histories and dating to Muammar Qadhafi's regime.
The tale of every workforce is informed through the authors, in line with reportage and professional research, from the outbreak of protests in Benghazi in February 2011 via to the transitional interval following the top of scuffling with in October 2011. They describe the emergence of Libya's new politics in the course of the targeted tales of these who made it take place, or those that fought opposed to it.
The Libyan Revolution and its Aftermath brings jointly best newshounds, teachers, and experts, every one with broad box adventure amidst the constituencies they depict, drawing on interviews with warring parties, politicians and civil society leaders who've contributed their very own account of occasions to this quantity.
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Additional resources for The Libyan Revolution and its Aftermath
Example text
25 â•… The NTC established a further body called the ‘Crisis Management Committee’ on 5 March. The ‘Committee’, led by Jibril, was delegated authority to ‘run all foreign matters and to represent the foreign affairs of Libya’ along with Isawi. The Council noted the need to appoint more members to this ‘Executive Team’ to run the vital sectors of the country. Both Jibril and Isawi were given a clearly defined goal: ‘the right’ to negotiate and communicate with the international community to accomplish international recognition of the Council, and nothing more.
Instead, the country’s elections were only a prelude to the challenge of constructing a national identity that both the monarchy and Qadhafi after 1969 had discouraged. The GNC and the transitional executive administration purported to govern in the name of a nation that had little prior identity, and, unsurprisingly a good amount of confusion arose over its purpose and legitimacy. The political infighting and the pressure from revolutionary battalions it suffered showed that it became valued for what it could deliver to different groups—for example by assigning important ministerial positions to powerful groups from Misrata and Zintan—rather than as an institution where national policies were forged through compromise and dialogue.
It looks at how the NTC argued and negotiated internally over the 3 August 2011 Constitutional Declaration (CD), the political framework by which Libya would restore constitutional government, including a transparent path to the NTC’s own dissolution. â•… Despite near solvency and increased international recognition, the NTC was essentially a bystander in the drama of the fall of Tripoli on 20 August, which was being orchestrated by emerging political forces over which it had marginal authority.