By Vanessa Lemm, Miguel Vatter
Foucault's past due paintings on biopolitics and governmentality has proven him because the basic philosopher of up to date continental political suggestion and as a privileged resource for our present realizing of neoliberalism and its applied sciences of energy. during this quantity, a global and interdisciplinary team of Foucault students examines his principles of biopower and biopolitics and their relation to his undertaking of a heritage of governmentality and to a concept of the topic present in his final classes on the university de France.
Many of the chapters have interaction severely with the Italian theoretical reception of Foucault. whilst, the originality of this assortment is composed within the number of views and traditions of reception dropped at undergo upon the troublesome connections among biopolitics and governmentality tested by way of Foucault's final works.
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Extra info for The Government of Life: Foucault, Biopolitics, and Neoliberalism
Example text
Finally, the technical groundwork enabling these acts of tracking is seen 26 Frédéric Gros more and more as based in the biological singularity of individuals, which opens up the question of biometrics. The fourth transformation relates to the nature of the threat. Here, the doctrine of human security can act as a guide, since the majority of its efforts lie precisely in defining the new range of threats. One might even say, instead of “defining,” that this effort consists in enlarging this range of threats, to the greatest possible extent.
This essay argues that Foucault’s rapid conceptual move from neoliberalism, to the Iranian Revolution, to the ethics of the self can be read as a compressed response to what he foresaw as the newly hegemonic regime of neoliberal power relations. In the face of neoliberalism’s economy of transactional pleasure, Foucault retreated, finding a radical political alternative in the form of political Islam, which was equally concerned, if not obsessed, with the idea of relegislating the sexual politics of the household.
In terms of economic methodology, Becker’s arsenal of concepts would appear to be standard, with its assumptions of rational choice, maximizing behavior, and market equilibrium. ” And yet as Foucault would implicitly acknowledge, Becker was already “beyond” Foucault’s analytics of “normalization” in that his theory of human capital attempted to account for, and intervene in, a field of power relations which no longer recognized the categories of the norm. ” In his own terms, Becker’s numerous interventions into the field of social economics were prompted by what he saw as the most significant shift in economic affairs to have taken place in the late twentieth century—that is, the profound crisis in “household” relations which took place in the late 1960s and 1970s as a consequence of the massive return of The Law of the Household 41 middle-class women to the workforce, the decline in average family size, and the relative desegregation of social space brought about by the civil rights movement.