By John Iliffe (auth.)
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Example text
H In reality, as the East African evidence shows, capitalism - once stimulated from outside - could evolve equally weIl in any pre-capitalist mode of production; the interesting question is whether it evolved in different ways, and one major difference was probably the varying importance of the straddling process. But it is clear that in· all the cases we have examined, capitalist relations initially utilised those non-economic means of exploiting labour which existed in pre-capitalist societies, whether they were the Muganda commoner's allegiance to his chief or the Kikuyu wife's subordination to her husband.
By the early 1970s there were over 3000 texts for the French researchers to study. Working so close to Abidjan, at the heart of the 'Ivoirian miracle', Atcho's ministry related to the growth of capitalism at many points. Hirnself a modernist and an entrepreneur, he preached aversion of Christianity which sc~rcely mentioned the afterlife but grew directly out of the this-worldly hedonism of African religious tradition: What is the happiness that you desire to have? First, children, to be well paid in your job, to find a pi ace of employment rapidly, to succeed in planting, and to have a better life.
And the third is that the circumstances of Mau Mau and decolonisation established a regime with strong capitalist sympathies and formidable political skill. The role ofthe state, as ever, has been crucial to the development of Kenyan capitalism. In Kenya, then, rural capitalism still has the possibility of destroying pre-capitalist relations of production. If we ask whether that possibility exists elsewhere in sub-Saharan Africa, three areas deserve consideration. One is Nigeria, where the massive agro-business schemes and other innovations of the last two decades have for the first time pushed rural capitalism beyond the synthesis with pre-capitalist relations which Hill found in Hausaland and Galletti and his colleagues observed among the Y oruba.