The Addicted Offender: Developments in British Policy and by Judith Rumgay (auth.)

By Judith Rumgay (auth.)

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Extra resources for The Addicted Offender: Developments in British Policy and Practice

Sample text

But it's not like that. It just takes up an inordinate amount of time, for the actual benefit that accrues to anybody. Four respondents could see no advantage, even hypothetically, in engaging in competitive tendering. Four said that their service had as yet formed no view on it. 5. SUGS One respondent ascribed the source of the probation service's partnerships directly to the SUGS funding opportunity: Because most of the funding has come directly from the Home Office, what happened was that the agency itself approached the Home Office with support from the local probation service.

This was hardly surprising. But a strong theme concerned strengthening the skills and confidence of probation officers themselves. This desired outcome did not accord with any obvious intent that probation officers should be relieved of their case involvement, but reflected the pre-occupation with practice enhancement expressed in the partnership plans. Indeed, not one respondent mentioned facilitating a move towards case management, or in any other sense divesting probation officers of their traditional tasks, as a predicted advantage of partnership.

So we don't intend to pay for them, particularly because [offenders] have [the same] right to them as someone who doesn't happen to have committed a crime''. The role of partnership, therefore, was to fill distinctive gaps in services for offenders, not merely to sustain agencies' presence in the community. What we could fund was any additional service that was required because that person also happened to be an offender. What's happened is, because we've got funding powers at a time when 20 The Addicted Offender everybody else seems to be pulling back from funding, we're seen as a funding substitute.

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