By John MacLeod
Vibrating with endeavors for Britain's attempt opposed to the may perhaps of Nazi Germany, Clydebank was—in hindsight—an noticeable aim for the attentions of the Luftwaffe. whilst, at the night of March thirteen, 1941, the experts first detected that Clydebank was once 'on beam'—targeted by way of the primitive radio-guidance procedure of the German bombers—no attempt was once made to elevate the alarm or to direct the citizens to guard or flight. in the hour, an enormous timber-yard, 3 oil-stores, and distilleries have been ablaze, one pouring flaming whisky right into a burn that ran blazing into the Clyde itself in bright ribbons of fireside. And nonetheless the Germans got here; and Clydebank, now an inferno, lay illuminated and defenseless as heavy bombs of high-explosive, as land-mines and parachute blasters started to fall . . . just about written resources and the thoughts of these who survived the event, John MacLeod tells the tale of the Clydebank Blitz and the negative scale of demise and devastation, speculating on why its incineration has been so broadly forgotten and its ordeal denied anyplace in nationwide honor.
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Example text
It is scarcely possible to give a complete picture of the many-faceted spectrum of opinions; instead we are obliged to make a selection from the standpoint of their political importance. In this survey we shall consider particularly the leaders and spokesmen of political parties, of the churches and other important interest-groups, including students, for example. ' More precisely, which of the politically articulate social groups at that time were prepared in principle to accept or contemplate the use of military force as an instrument of foreign policy, and which other groups were opposed to this or advocated a policy of peaceful understanding with other countries?
Lange, Hirlers u1lbeadlrere M/Uimen. 2. Nazi Ideology and Hitler's War Plans 19 permanent struggle is the law of life, has not the right to exist. 34 The central idea of a 'struggle for life' (Lebenskampf),35 which Hitler repeatedly invoked in the first volume of Mein Kampf and which was no doubt influenced by Darwin,36 did not necessarily mean war in all circumstances, but it included the notion of war from the beginning. Hitler always regarded war as 'one of the obvious ways of attaining political ends.
Relations between the Stahlhelm and the NSDAP were not institutionalized until fairly late, as Hitler forbade members of his party to belong to both organizations. They joined forces in order to destroy the republic in 1931, with the creation of the Harzburg front. 82 From then onwards the Stahlhelm became one of the chief forerunners of Hitler's dictatorship-to some extent consciously, to some extent against its will. 84 There is no doubt that the NSDAP and the Stahlhelm were united in hostility to democracy,8S liberalism, and socialism, as well as in the emphasis they laid on militarism.