By Andrea J Queeley
“Adds a lacking piece to the prevailing literature in regards to the renewal of black activism in Cuba, the entire whereas exhibiting the hyperlinks and fractures among pre- and post-1959 society.”—Devyn Spence Benson, Louisiana nation University
within the early 20th century, workers from the British West Indies immigrated to Cuba, attracted by way of employment possibilities. The Anglo-Caribbean groups flourished, yet after 1959, a lot of their cultural associations have been dismantled: the revolution dictated that during the identify of cohesion there will be no hyphenated Cubans. This booklet turns an ethnographic lens on their descendants who—during the designated interval within the 1990s—moved to “rescue their roots” by means of revitalizing their ethnic institutions and reestablishing ties outdoor the island.
in response to Andrea J. Queeley’s fieldwork in Santiago and Guantánamo, Rescuing Our Roots looks at neighborhood and nearby identification formations in addition to racial politics in progressive Cuba. Queeley argues that, because the island skilled a resurgence in racism due partly to the emergence of the twin financial system and the reliance on tourism, Anglo-Caribbean Cubans revitalized their groups and sought transnational connections not only within the desire of fabric aid but in addition to problem the organization among blackness, inferiority, and immorality. Their hope for social mobility, political engagement, and a greater financial scenario operated along the struggle for black respectability.
not like such a lot reviews of black Cubans, which specialize in Afro-Cuban faith or pop culture, Queeley’s penetrating research deals a view of techniques and modes of black belonging that go beyond ideological, temporal, and spatial boundaries.
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Extra resources for Rescuing Our Roots: The African Anglo-Caribbean Diaspora in Contemporary Cuba
Sample text
Because I located people to interview primarily through referrals, I interviewed those people whose roots in the Anglo-Caribbean were known by other community members. Thus, those people who might have had a parent, grandparent, or great-grandparent who migrated to Cuba, but who perhaps detached themselves from their origins or were unknown to others of Anglo-Caribbean origin, were not part of this study. Therefore, my findings cannot be generalized to all people of Anglo-Caribbean descent in Cuba.
41 The interaction had a sort of clandestine tone to it, as did many others in which the switch to English occurred as the speaker began overtly or even indirectly criticizing the government. It is not that such criticisms were never articulated in Spanish, but when they were in English, they took on a more serious tone. Aside from the use of English, three other issues of language need to be noted. The first concerns translation and connotation. For instance, the term racismo in Cuba generally refers to institutional discrimination on the basis of race; thus, when a Cuban says that there is no racism, he or she is often saying that the basis upon which the state—and therefore all public society— can deny access has been eliminated.
De la Fuente (2001a) argues that such circumstances served to reinforce the Negrophobia and racial prejudice that individual Cubans harbored, but which did not have the same systemic impact prior to the crisis. Indeed, the introduction of the tourist industry provides a prime example of how racial inequality functions in Cuba in the context of the crisis. 24 Although some have argued that the revolution worsened conditions for Black and mulatto Cubans, Carlos Moore’s (1988) indictment of Castro being one of many, evidence overwhelmingly indicates that the government’s redistributive and antidiscrimination policies succeeded in reducing racial disparities in key sectors such as health and education.