By Mike Morrissey, Marie Smyth
The problems that experience dogged the Northern eire peace technique and the implementation of the nice Friday contract are not often out of the headlines. This e-book provides a uniquely updated perception into one of many concerns at stake for the folk of Northern eire – the long term influence of political violence at the civil population.The results of huge study between neighborhood groups, and drawing on survey and interview proof, Northern eire After the great Friday contract units this factor in the context of prior clash and the ongoing sectarian violence of the current. particularly it provides the perspectives of standard humans approximately their own reviews of political violence and the impression it has had upon their lives. in addition, it exhibits how the worries have affected the adolescents of the zone, and appears on the difficulties dealing with a society popping out of a chronic interval of low-intensity clash.
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Additional info for Northern Ireland After The Good Friday Agreement: Victims, Grievance and Blame
Sample text
Dungannon is also unusual in terms of the distribution of the status of the victims. Within Northern Ireland as a whole, victims were composed of roughly 2000 civilians, 1000 members of the security forces and 600 members of paramilitary organisations. More than half of all victims were thus associated with neither the security forces nor paramilitaries. In Dungannon, however, only 42 per cent of victims were civilian, and a larger proportion – 46 per cent – had an association with the security forces.
Some differences were also apparent in the gender composition of deaths within each sector of the city. Based on the deaths of local residents, men in North and West Belfast account for 60 per cent of all male deaths, whereas women in these two sectors made up 75 per cent of all of the city’s female deaths. The death risk for women was thus higher in these two parts of the city. The age distribution of victims also varied across the city. For example, just over 22 per cent of West Belfast victims were 20 years of age or less compared to 13 per cent in East and South.
While apparently peripheral to the major contest between republicans and the security forces, it has nevertheless been a significant feature of the overall pattern of violence, accounting for just under a quarter of all deaths. Moreover, it epitomises the savagery of political violence where individuals are killed, not because of what they have done, but because of who they are. Indeed, the Troubles were first signalled in 1966 by the sectarian murders of two Catholic civilians in Belfast. The founder of the modern UVF, Gusty Spence, was charged with both killings and was convicted of one of the two (Taylor, 1999: pp.